Below is an essay by Eleanor Carney, Godolphin and Latymer School

This essay won the prize ‘Best use of evidence (joint winner)‘ in the inaugural FT-APG A Level Essay Competition, which was part of a broader project between the American Politics Group the Political Studies Association and the Schools Programme of the Financial Times. This project was funded by the excellence and impact funding of the Political Studies Association.

Flora Bailey, Head of Politics at Godolphin and Latymer School said of Eleanor Carney:

‘We are delighted that Eleanor has been awarded a prize for ‘Best Argument’ in the FT-APG A Level Essay Competition. Eleanor found the process hugely engaging and the resources provided by the project were invaluable in shaping her approach. It was brilliant to have an opportunity for A Level Politics students to go beyond the confines of the curriculum and mark scheme and to be able to write in a more exploratory way.’

Does President Donald J. Trump represent an anomaly or reflect a broader strand of thought and action in American politics?

The elections of President Donald J. Trump in both 2016 and 2024 mark a departure from the previously assumed behaviours expected of an American President. As a former real estate magnate, Trump defies the patterns of previous presidents: with no previous service in either the American military nor government and often characterised by racist and misogynistic comments. Yet, despite what is often brushed off as an anomaly and temporary separation from the typical and long-standing traditions as a President, Trump’s re-election signals a reflection of a broader strand of thought and action in American politics. As President, Trump is overseeing the polarisation of politics as the Democratic party moves left in the face of a Republican party turning right, as well as a shift towards populist-charged agendas for both government and public. This essay will argue that whilst Trump’s first term could be considered an anomaly, his re-election in 2024 does reflect a broader strand of thought and action in American politics – a pivot away from the long-standing political norms America had previously followed and onto a new path of populism that is still being written. The essay will first examine the case for Trump’s first-term as an anomaly before arguing that his re-election and the broader structural realignment and polarisation of American politics renders this interpretation insufficient.

Considering Trump’s first-term in isolation, there is a compelling case that his presidency represented a significant anomaly in the context of established American presidential norms. Trump defied the conventional prerequisites for the office from the outset: he was the first president in modern history to assume office without prior military service or government experience, arriving instead from a background in real estate and entertainment. This departure was compounded by his unprecedented refusal to release his tax returns – breaking a tradition upheld by every president since Nixon (excluding Ford) – despite having promised to do so upon election. On multiple occasions, in and out of office, Trump has said and done what typically ends one’s career. Yet, he consistently seemed to move forward unaffected, being able to shake off any calls for accountability. This is exemplified when, in his election campaign (and only one month before the election) The Washington Post published an article that contained video footage of Trump remarking “grab ’em by the p—y” amidst a lewd conversation with Billy Bush about women. With many commentators and lawyers describing this comment as sexual assault,¹ and Bush left his position at NBC, it is stark that Trump’s video apology uploaded to social media seemed to have been enough to excuse his comments, evidenced by him still winning the presidency. Beyond his individual characteristics, Trump’s two first-term impeachments support the argument of his presidency representing an anomaly as, whilst two other former presidents have been impeached, none have had it occur twice. That Trump survived both impeachments and remained the dominant force in Republican politics not only defied historical precedent but began to reveal that the conditions sustaining him extended beyond his individual personality. However, his survival and ability to remain a dominant political force erodes the thesis of his presidency being anomalous, instead constituting evidence that it is a reflection of a broader strand of thought and action in American politics.

The re-election of Trump in 2024 is a clear mark of reflection for the new age of political polarisation and hostility. Since his first-term, the label ‘republican’ has become increasingly synonymous with ‘Trump supporter’ and ‘MAGA’. However, it is crucial to consider that Trump did not create the rightward movement of the Republican party but rather inherited and radicalised it. The Tea Party Movement from 2009-2011 was a grassroots movement that emerged from the 2008 financial crisis. The movement was hostile to immigration, sceptical of government spending, and deeply distrustful of elites – all of which Trump’s ‘MAGA’ ideology aligns with and has since amplified. This chronology is analytically significant: it demonstrates that the political conditions sustaining Trump’s appeal predated his candidacy by nearly a decade, and that his 2016 campaign served as a vehicle for discontent already embedded within the Republican base. Beyond this, Trump is not the first populist president in American history with the American President Andrew Jackson pioneering himself as a reformer against a supposedly corrupted political system. This suggests Trump is not a complete anomaly, but an individual who is a part of reviving the dormant populist strand of American political thought. This is further supported by the election of democrat Zohran Mamdani as mayor of New York City, whose populist appeal is characterised by combining democratic socialist policies with grassroots appeals to working-class voters. This simultaneous emergence of populism on both sides of the political spectrum, demonstrating that the forces driving Trump’s appeal is structural rather than personal, reinforcing how he is a reflection of a change in American politics, not an anomaly.

However, it can still be argued that Trump has encouraged a shift from a more civil political environment in America to a much more rivalrous and hostile one, both domestically and in foreign policy. Trump has previously remarked “I hate my opponent and I don’t want the best for them,”² highlighting the new rise in brash openness and disregard of respect in the face of political rivalry. Outside of the US, Trump has been seen to take direct digs at foreign politicians on multiple occasions, particularly in his second-term. For example, Trump has described London Mayor Sir Sadiq Khan as “among the worst mayors of the world”.³ Beyond this, he spread the false claim that Khan was “moving [London’s] legal system to Sharia law”. In short, Trump’s willingness to direct contempt at foreign leaders reflects a governing style that is anomalous in its combativeness. Therefore, it is clear that whilst Trump does reflect a new emerging age of political polarisation and hostility, he is also an architect in its deepening. 

One may argue Trump to be anomalous in his polarisation of politics within his own party, yet he is not the only President whose leadership has led to internal division. For Trump, the differing stances on politics and attitudes between his more radical MAGA faction of the Republican party is shifting what previously characterised the party. A split that can be seen in a YouGov poll that found only 53% of Republicans would also consider themselves MAGA.⁴ This split has carried real governing consequences, with the Trump administration failing to score many significant legislative victories in his first-term bar a highly controversial and regressive tax bill, despite holding majorities in both houses of Congress.⁵

Importantly, what distinguishes Trump’s intra-party division from historical precedent is not its existence but its cause. Whilst other presidents have divided their parties by policies, Trump divides by loyalty. George W. Bush’s loss of support within the Republican Party during his second term was a consequence of his unpopular handling over the Iraq War and Hurricane Katrina. Trump’s division of his party, by contrast, has been actively orchestrated as he seeks to narrow the definition of Republican identity to personal loyalty to MAGA. Therefore, whilst Trump is not the only President whose divisive leadership has complicated their own party, he is anomalous in seeking to do this deliberately in hopes of a party distinctly loyal to him.

Outside of the Republican party itself, Trump can be seen as a reflection of the growing hostility and pressure to choose a ‘side’ of either Republican or Democrat. This is exemplified in the inability of congress to make decisions with the new age of “fewer moderate politicians” and the “hollowing out” of the centre ground of American politics.⁶ This structural transformation is further reinforced by the rise voters voting against the Presidential candidate they most dislike, rather than feeling motivated by their choice of candidate; a phenomenon from which Trump directly benefitted, with 9% of voters holding unfavourable views on Trump but still backing his 2024 campaign.⁷ In a two-party system, it is inevitable that the political landscape will shift across time, and Trump may represent a landmark signposting such a shift, reflecting the process of transformation that occurred in both American political parties from the the 1930s to 1980s. Just as Franklin D. Roosevelt is not considered to have single-handedly created the New Deal coalition but directed its pre-existing political forces, Trump’s presidency reflects a realignment of underlying forces – economic anxiety, institutional distrust, and cultural backlash – long preceding him. Indeed, this parallel may undermines the explanation of Trump’s presidency as an anomaly, with it instead being consistent with the recurring pattern of American political realignment.

In conclusion, whilst Trump’s presidency holds many characteristics that defy the patterns and traditions of previous American presidents, it ultimately represents a reflection of a broader strand of political thought and change in America rather than an anomaly within it. While his first elected term, when viewed in isolation, could be considered to be anomalous as a president unprecedented in background, conduct, and willingness to violate the institutional norms that preceded him, his re-election collapses this argument. As explored throughout this essay, the conditions that enabled Trump’s rise pre-existed him: the Tea Party’s populist groundwork, the decades-long hollowing out of the political centre, and the historical precedent of Jacksonian anti-establishment politics all precede his emergence on the political stage. Trump is therefore not the curator of America’s political polarisation, but its most forceful amplifier. However, what makes President Donald J. Trump so unique is his ability to not just reflect this change, but deepen and exemplify it, as he redefines acceptable political conduct and the structure of the Republican Party in a manner not previously seen. Therefore, Trump does not represent an anomaly but reflects a broader strand of thought and action in American politics.

1. Wikipedia Contributors (2019). Donald Trump Access Hollywood Tape. [online] Wikipedia. Available at: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Donald_Trump_Access_Hollywood_tape (Accessed 12/03/2026).
2. Politi, J. (2025) ‘The never-ending Trump show’, Financial Times (26 September). Available at: https://www.ft.com/content/20ed2803-3a8b-48cf-8b6d-f26e07731219 (Accessed: 13/11/2025).
3. Donald Trump tells UN meeting London wants ‘to go to sharia law’. (2025). BBC News. [online] 23 Sep. Available at: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cp3qxrgl05lo (Accessed 12/03/2026).
4. Montgomery, D. (2025). How many Americans are MAGA? [online] Yougov.com. Available at: https://yougov.com/en-us/articles/52188-how-many-americans-maga-republicans-poll (Accessed 12/03/2026).
5. Finn, P. and Ledger, R. (2018) ‘Fire and Fury aside, what can you read to understand Trump?’, The Conversation (January 8). Available at: https://theconversation.com/fire-and-fury-aside-what-can-you-read-to-understand-trump-89807 (Accessed: 13/11/2025).
6. Swamp Notes podcast (2025) ‘Is Donald Trump the president of peace?’, Financial Times (10 October). Available at:      https://www.ft.com/content/f9a1db67-ceb5-4498-a817-c7ee2d2588fc (Accessed: 13/11/2025).
7. Staff, C. (2024). Election 2024: Exit Polls. [online] CNN. Available at https://edition.cnn.com/election/2024/exit-polls/national-results/general/president/ (Accessed: 13/11/2025).